Author Archives: Amer Al Sabaileh

Where is the Syrian crisis heading?

With the US strike on Syria this week the Syrian crisis appears to have returned to its original dynamic. The escalation towards Syrian president Bashar al Assad is once again central to the US position and has brought it back in line with other countries that up until now have not been on good terms with the new Trump Administration. As a result we have seen the G7 Ministerial Summit entrust US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson as the representative of not just of the G7 countries, but also Gulf and other neighboring countries to deliver a message to Moscow regarding their position towards Assad and the rules for a new political solution.

It is important to see the US strike in Syria as a political message not as war message. The target, location, style of attack and that they informed the Russians of the attack demonstrate that the US wanted to send a clear message regarding its new position in Syria. Direct military action from the US represents a significant change in their role in and the nature of the conflict itself.

The Syrian crisis is even more of a delicate balance now with global pressure on Russia to step back from its support of the Assad regime. Moscow must make the next move, but either way, we are likely to see an escalation on the ground.

The US has achieved multidimensional gains with this strike. Firstly, it has restored alignment of its position with European and Arab allies, who welcomed the strike. It has also blunted the accusations against the Trump Administration around its close ties to Russia, which cost them a National Security Adviser and was threatening the role of Trump’s son in law, Jared Kushner.

In addition, the strike has gone a long way to restore the trust of Israel, whose previous attacks in Syria were seen as a shift in power in the conflict. The strike has signaled a new American military presence in Syria, which could soon be expanded to the liberation of Raqqa.

The pressure on Moscow might not precipitate a political solution in Syria in the short term, but it is a clear challenge to Russia and its allies. The Russian axis in the region are clearly gearing up for an increased American presence in Syria, as it could lead to the US directly confronting the role of Hezbollah and Iran in the conflict, which could greatly escalate tensions with Moscow.

Dr. Amer Al Sabaileh

amersabaileh@yahoo.com 

Visiting British PM’s message

May’s visit is important because it initiates a new phase of discrete UK polices in the Middle East. Aside from the international coalition which Jordan and UK are part of, a UK-Jordan initiative to counter the terror threats is in train. This bilateral understanding aims to develop new capabilities to strike ISIS targets by enhancing the capacities of the Jordanian Air Force.

It is also important that the British initiative includes a long-term cooperation that aims to improve countering violent extremism in the region. This is an integral issue for both Jordan and the UK. For the British it is important to address the sources of radicalization in the region, many of which have connections with radical members on their soil. Any de-radicalization process in Britain requires a measure of addressing the source of funding and training of terrorism in the Middle East.

Clearly it is also an essential issue to address for Jordan. Jordan requires concrete support in applying a more decisive process of de-radicalization. Indeed, Jordan needs to focus on accelerating the de-radicalization to counter their citizens who have gone to Syria and Iraq to fight, as well as those who are radicalized within its borders.

The Obama strategies that created a vacuum in Syria, which was eventually filled by Russia are being remedied and the lessons are being learned. During the visit, May also discussed ways in which the UK can assist Jordan to address the consequences of the Syrian conflict. Clearly the UK is taking steps to support Jordan and ensure a direct role in Syria and the rebuilding process.

We are also seeing the Trump administration seeking to protect its interest in Syria by engaging in Raqqa. The UK is seeking to maintain and build its presence in the Middle East in order to protect its interest. Jordan is strategically important for this, as it is central to Syria, Iraq and regional terrorism.

The symbolism of the visit during the post-Brexit transition demonstrates the shift in UK policies to secure UK interests. This may be the first step of a transition in strategy that London will adopt to guarantee its presence and interests in around the world.

Dr. Amer Al Sabaileh

amersabaileh@yahoo.com

قراءة هادئة في الضربة الامريكية على سوريا

لم يكن من المستبعد انتقال الادارة الامريكية الى مرحلة شن هجوم عسكري على سوريا، خصوصاً بعد التسريع الامريكي الاخير و تبني موقف تصعيدي تجاه سوريا في اليومين الاخيرين على خلفية مجزرة خان شيخون.

الحقيقة ان اي قراءة متأنية لطبيعة التحرك الامريكي تشير بوضوح ان موقف الادارة الامريكية مرتبط بأجندة سياسية و اهداف ترغب الادارة الامريكية بتحقيقها، و ليست كما تبدو الامور بانها انقلاب مفاجئ في المواقف مرتبط بحدث معين كالحديث عن تغير موقف الرئيس بعد رؤيته لصور المجزرة الاخيرة في سوريا.

التحليل المنطقي يشير ان التحرك الامريكي الخارجي قد يكون في جوهره هروباً من ضغوط داخلية. ان حجم الضغوطات التي تتعرض لها ادارة ترامب في الداخل الامريكي يفوق اي تصور. فيبدو ان اتهام هذه الادارة بالتواطئ مع روسيا كان له الاثر الاكبر في تبني فكرة التصعيد الامريكي خصوصاً في سوريا، بحيث تظهر ادارة ترامب على انها تواجه روسيا و تصطدم بسياساتها مما يمكن ترامب و فريقه من الرد على كافة الاتهامات و دحضها بعد ان بدأت هذه الاتهامات بالاطاحة بافراد ادارة ترامب واحداً تلو الاخر حيث وصلت الامور الى زوج ابنته كوشنير. لهذا فان التحرك العسكري المحدود في سوريا يبدو كافياً لاعطاء الانطباع ان ترامب في حالة مواجهة مع  موسكو لا بل يقوم بضرب مصالحها و يعيد فرض وجود الولايات المتحدة مجدداً في المنطقة على عكس كافة الاتهامات التي تسوق تماهي ادارته و انسياقها وراء موسكو.

اما الحديث عن العمل العسكري في سوريا فهو فعلياً يهيأ الجميع الى تواجد عسكري امريكي في سوريا، و هو امر تعمل الولايات المتحد عليه منذ شهرين تقريباً، لا بل تجري الاستعدادات له على قدم و ساق.

 فمن الواضح ان ادارة ترامب اتخذت قراراً بضرورة ان يكون تحرير الرقة من قبضة داعش بوابة عبور للرئيس الامريكي نحو نسف صورة الادارة الامريكية السابقة غير القادرة على محاربة الارهاب و تؤسس للاعلان عن وجود امريكي في سوريا. فمعظم التقارير الامنية تشير الى تعاظم التواجد الامريكي في سوريا و العمل على تهيئة القوات الكردية لتكون شريك للقوات الامريكية في عملية استعادة الرقة التي لاتبدو انها تقتصر على عمليه استعادة او تطهير من تنظيم داعش بل تبدو في جوهرها عملية استيطان امريكي طويلة الامد لمنطقة الجزيرة و بالتالي الحديث عن وضع اليد الامريكية على حقول النفط و الغاز في تلك المنطقة.

الاحتفاء الاسرائيلي بالضربة الامريكية في سوريا يشير بوضوح ان تل ابيب ترغب في توظيف الحضور الامريكي تجاه اعادة تثبيت حالة التوازن العسكري السائد في المنطقة.  فالشهر الماضي شهد ارسال رسالة روسية   قوية لاسرائيل، خصوصاً عبر الرد السوري على استهداف الطائرات الاسرائيلية المغيرة على سوريا كرد على التحرك الاسرائيلي الامر الذي اوحى بتغير جذري في سياسة الردع في المنطقة. فاسرائيل التي لم تستطع منع التواجد الروسي العسكري في سوريا تعايشت مع هذا التواجد الا انها اليوم تجد بالتدخل الامريكي فرصة لاعادة رسم الامور و ترتيب التوازنات من زاوية ضرورة الا تفكر موسكو في تغيير معادلة الردع في هذه المنطقة، لهذا اصرت الحكومة الاسرائيلية على التأكيد انها كانت على اطلاع على تفاصيل و موعد الضربة الامريكية بطريقة بدت و كأنها شريك في الضربة.

الضربة العسكرية الامريكية لسوريا هي ضربة محدودة لكنها ضربة لها رمزية كبيرة، فهي تشير ان الولايات المتحدة باتت حاضرة و  راغبة بالتدخل على الارض في سوريا. لهذا فان خيارات التصعيد او التهدئة اليوم ترتبط بقدرة جميع الاطراف على البحث عن مخرج سياسي للازمة في سوريا، فالولايات المتحدة مهتمة بالشرق السوري، اما روسيا فقط استوطنت الساحل المتوسطي و اسرايل ترغب باعادة رسم الامور في المنطقة وفقاً لرؤيتها مما يعني ان احتماليات الحرب و المواجهة تضعف امام بروز خيار التسوية الاقليمية التي تضمن لاسرائيل مصالحها وتثبت قواعد الحرب و موازين القوى في المنطقة، و تضمن كذلك للولايات المتحدة مصالحها و لا تؤثر على مصالح روسيا في سوريا و المتوسط. لهذا فان بوابة التسوية الكبرى قد تكون المخرج الوحيد الذي يساعد الجميع على الحفاظ على المكتسبات و عدم الاضطرار لدفع خسائر كبيرة عبر فكرة المواجهة و الحرب.

د.عامر السبايلة

  

What after the Syrian Israeli clash?

The recent Israeli attack in Syria could be part of a rebalanced power dynamic in the region. During the Syrian crisis Israel has launched several strikes against Syrian targets, which they claim were Hezbollah convoys and personnel.

This recent attack is one of the few times that Israel has actually declared it with sirens in Israel. Perhaps because of the consequences, including debris from a rocket in the northern Jordanian city of Irbid.

Syria’s reaction of launching missiles and a strong statement from the military is entirely new. This suggests they had support in this response.

According to many experts the surface to air S-200 (SA-5) missiles used by the Syrian army were unlikely to shoot down the Israeli jets, although their S300 missiles could have been more effective. These Russian made Syrian missiles meant Israel had to use its Arrow 3 missile defense system for the first time to destroy what the IDF described as a ballistic threat.

This was not the first time that Israeli jets conducted a strike in Syria, but it was the first time that they faced a strong military reaction. This could be a turning point as Israel becomes more cautious in carrying out such attacks.

Interestingly, it wasn’t only the military response from Syria that was novel. The Russian Foreign Ministry summoned Israel’s Ambassador to Moscow to protest the Israeli raid in Syria. This is the first time that Russia has interfered in this kind of incident. It is especially interesting given how recently Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu visited Moscow, which does not appear to have impacted positively on relations between the two countries.

Russia’s long-term presence in Syria has already reshaped the balance of power. This will have implications for several countries, especially Israel who is not used to asking permission to conduct an attack.

While Russia is not an enemy to Israel, it sees Syria as an ally so Russia’s ongoing presence in the region could have wider impacts, including on regional settlement. Moscow is likely to engage in all of the issues that face the region, including the peace process. So perhaps Russia would like to see this confrontation lead to more constructive negotiations.

Dr. Amer Al Sabaileh

amersabaileh@yahoo.com

What after the Syrian Israeli clash?

The recent Israeli attack in Syria could be part of a rebalanced power dynamic in the region. During the Syrian crisis Israel has launched several strikes against Syrian targets, which they claim were Hezbollah convoys and personnel.

This recent attack is one of the few times that Israel has actually declared it with sirens in Israel. Perhaps because of the consequences, including debris from a rocket in the northern Jordanian city of Irbid.

Syria’s reaction of launching missiles and a strong statement from the military is entirely new. This suggests they had support in this response.

According to many experts the surface to air S-200 (SA-5) missiles used by the Syrian army were unlikely to shoot down the Israeli jets, although their S300 missiles could have been more effective. These Russian made Syrian missiles meant Israel had to use its Arrow 3 missile defense system for the first time to destroy what the IDF described as a ballistic threat.

This was not the first time that Israeli jets conducted a strike in Syria, but it was the first time that they faced a strong military reaction. This could be a turning point as Israel becomes more cautious in carrying out such attacks.

Interestingly, it wasn’t only the military response from Syria that was novel. The Russian Foreign Ministry summoned Israel’s Ambassador to Moscow to protest the Israeli raid in Syria. This is the first time that Russia has interfered in this kind of incident. It is especially interesting given how recently Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu visited Moscow, which does not appear to have impacted positively on relations between the two countries.

Russia’s long-term presence in Syria has already reshaped the balance of power. This will have implications for several countries, especially Israel who is not used to asking permission to conduct an attack.

While Russia is not an enemy to Israel, it sees Syria as an ally so Russia’s ongoing presence in the region could have wider impacts, including on regional settlement. Moscow is likely to engage in all of the issues that face the region, including the peace process. So perhaps Russia would like to see this confrontation lead to more constructive negotiations.

Dr. Amer Al Sabaileh

amersabaileh@yahoo.com

The road to a better future

The importance of building a national identity in Jordan is ever increasing, as waves of sectarianism invade the region.

The 1979 revolution in Iran was the first to adopt the religious title of ‘Islamic revolution’, but we continue to seen the progression of religious influence that began in WWII where modern political Islam began spreading its doctrine and influencing the people of the Middle East, predominately through the Muslim Brotherhood.

Following the Arab loss in Palestine in 1967, Islamist voices criticized secularism blaming it for the humiliating defeat. Jordan was one of the main countries affected by the unification that was also exported to the Gulf countries by the Muslim Brotherhood who had deep links into the education sector across the region.

By the time Sadat took power in Egypt, the Islamization process had already started and has been the major catalyst for the changing cultural identity in the region. Following Sadat’s death, the Iraq-Iran war was promoted as an Arab-Persian war and saw the beginning of the fragmentation of ethnic, religious and sectarian divisions through the propaganda of hate and war.

The growing sectarianism in the region and the increasing conflict and violence should give us pause to consider the alternatives. Constant and increasing psychological division doesn’t just create the risk of greater geographic division, but condemns the region and its people to continuous civil war, with the ongoing threat of increased conflict.

With the current levels of sectarianism, it is difficult to be optimistic about the future of the region. The people of the region are living in chaos and daily bloodshed, but they have the right to live their lives in peace. However, nobody in the region can live in peace while the dominating mentality is based on exclusion, and the constant desire to eliminate the other.

It is difficult to see how we can escape this vicious spiral without a serious national project to restore a national identity based on shared values. The cultural change must be based on pillars that unify rather than divide, so it cannot be based on religious or ethnicity. It should be a progressive secular vision based on diversity and respect for all people. This may be difficult to achieve, but we need to start somewhere and soon if we want our children and the next generations to have a better life.

To be successful it needs a long-term strategy with a clear and transparent vision based on shared outcomes. It will take political determination and persistent pushing and follow up. Above all of that it needs a realistic understanding of the risk that the region is facing given the dominant view of radical groups that do not recognize borders or national identities. Our national identity should be based on values such as respect for a diverse humanity, which cannot be achieved without a systematic plan that unifies our citizens and reestablishes a new culture of shared national identity.

Dr. Amer Al Sabaileh

New economic model needed

Although Jordan is facing various security challenges, the major challenge for Jordan is the economy. It is not a new issue as the economy has always been a major concern for Jordan. The issue has evolved over time and today sees a need for a new economic model for Jordan.

World politics is changing which means it is no longer possible to rely on the same policy of aid-dependency and donations. While Jordan retains an important geopolitical position, there has been a distinct shift in attitude from historic allies including the gulf countries. We need new policies that underpin a revised economic model that accounts for these changes.

After several attempts, it is clear that Jordan is not in a position to become a business and financial hub like Dubai or Singapore.  Jordanian decision-makers need to be more realistic in developing an economic model based on real development of rural zones through micro economic projects that fit into a strategy of food security.  Jordan’s economic development plan in the 1950s and 1960s was based on a comprehensive plan focusing on agriculture, including crop and animal resources, with cooperatives and farmers funds.

We must go back to those plans, as our economy will continue to stagnate if we rely on donations and aid. In fact, IMF loans are becoming more difficult to administer and manage. The Ministry of Planning must be clearer in their role as not merely a seeker of donations and aid, but where real effective planning is done. It should lead real change in local development, self-sustainability and even the cultural change.

This should also extend to the de radicalization strategy, which is not just a change in the religious narrative and school curriculums, but is also based on the socioeconomic change that public policies can achieve. We must make people feel productive to appreciate their existence and this cannot be achieved if people don’t feel that they are participating in building their future

Higher taxation might be a short-term solution to budgetary woes, but it deepens the overall issues especially on a social level, with increased crime, social violence, drugs, terrorism and organized crime. In addition, higher taxation further breeds an anti-establishment sentiment, creating antagonism for the political system.

Global politics are changing dramatically, with a greater focus on internal interests. We are seeing more countries, especially in our region collapsing into chaos. It is becoming normal for many countries to coexist with chaos, therefore, we must think seriously of reforming the economic and development model, with a greater focus on our citizens and their lives and not just on the regional situation.

Dr. Amer Al Sabaileh

amersabaileh@yahoo.com

What Arabs need from the coming Arab summit in Amman

The upcoming Arab Summit in Amman is an important moment for the region. With ongoing crises in Yemen, Libya, Syria and others, the real challenges appear to be within Arab countries themselves. 

One of the major issues is the return of Syria to the Arab League after more than 6 years of crisis in Syria. The political solution seems to be the only option so Arab countries should make the political play to bring Syria back in to play a key role in stabilizing and rebuilding Syria. Past positions of staying out of the solution is no longer an option.

Yemen and Libya are also important issues to be solved under the Arab umbrella. They also need a new way of thinking and repositioning of major Arab countries. Egypt, as the most active Arab country could pave the way for better Arab cooperation, but the Saudi position is still the major indicator of how efficient this Arab effort to solve the crises will be.

Arab countries must understand that the longer the crises endure the worse it is for them. With Saudi concerns about Iranian influence in the region, it is important to review past policies and understand how they may have given Iran more space to influence, especially in the places where crises appears, Lebanon, Iraq, Syria and now Yemen.

The sectarian trends cannot be countered by more sectarian polices, Arab Shia in Lebanon, Iraq, Bahrain and Yemen are originally Arabs, but the policies adopted by some Arab countries have pushed many of them closer to Iran and away from Arab leaders. These are important issue to bear in mind when we think of the need to learn from the past and avoid its mistakes. It is important that Arab countries develop new policies that work to unify people rather than dividing them.

For Jordan this summit is critical, as it provides the opportunity to restore the political importance of Jordan as a country involved in these crises and building a new phase of Arab understanding will have positive impacts on Jordan. If this attempt fails then Jordan may find itself alone in facing three major issues, the growing economic crisis, the new phase of combatting terrorism and the risks of a failed peace process. On top of this Jordan could face the end of unity on a two state solution, and the inherent complexities of a one state solution, recognizing Israel as a Jewish state.

Arab states need to encounter that Israel’s current narrative which is based on a wider regional peace and rather than focusing on the pending peace process with Palestinians. 

The Trump Administration’s positions on the Middle East must also be addressed in the Arab Summit. This includes the future of the peace process and the potential of strong positions from the US in the region if we cannot find a path for ourselves.  Developing a new and effective Arab strategy for de-radicalization and fighting terrorism is one of the key issues that might help in restoring the Arab cooperation process.

There is not much to be optimistic about in the crises facing the Arab world, but we must find an Arab pathway from the grassroots through a new phase of Arab relations, which starts with credible and smart initiatives.

Dr. Amer Al Sabaileh

قمة "عمان" العربية: اما البدء بترتيب البيت العربي او الاستعداد لاتساع مشهد الفوضى

 
من الصعب لاي شخص اليوم الحديث عن الواقع العربي من باب التفاؤل. فالازمات تتسع و حجم الخلاف العربي العربي اليوم يصل لدرجة تجعل الحديث عن رأب الصدع العربي امراً شبه مستحيل.
 بالرغم من حجم الاختلاف العربي و اتساع رقعة الازمات و الخلافات الا ان محاولة انجاح القمة العربية القادمة في عمان يجب ان تكون على رأس اجندة كثير من الدول. فبالرغم من اعتقاد الاغلبية  بان هذه القمة كغيرها من القمم لن تخرج عن اطار البروتكول و قد تنتهي بالتوصيات التي لايأخذ بها، الا ان مناخات المنطقة تشير ان هذه القمة تحمل تحديات كبيرة و ان فشلها قد يشكل لواقع اخطر لاحقاً. فكثير من القمم العربية التي فشلت فتحت ابواب الجحيم في المنطقة، مثل قمة فاس التي عرضت فيها مبادرة السلام العربية السعودية، لقمة عمان ١٩٨٧ و ما تبعها من اندلاع للانتفاضة في الضفة الغربية، لموتمر بغداد ١٩٩٠ و غزو الكويت لاحقاَ و حتى مؤتمر بيروت ٢٠٠٢ و تجديد مبادرة السلام العربية و انهاء ياسر عرفات سياسياً الخ.
قمة عمان تأتي في وقت يفرض التغيير في السياسة العالمية واقعاً جديداً، يمكن الاصطلاح على تسميته بمرحلة التسويات الكبرى و اعادة صياغة المنظومة الشرق اوسطية. ضمن هذه التحولات يجب على الدول العربية التفكير جدياً في اعادة ترتيب البيت العربي و بناء قواعد تشاركية جديدة، ليس من باب الترف بل من باب درء الخطر القادم الذي بات يتهدد الجميع دون استثناء. لهذا فانه من الضروري البدء بصياغة استراتيجية مشتركة لمكافحة الارهاب و العمل على احياء دور الدول العربية في ظل تحول لافت في شكل المشهد الشرق اوسطي الذي باتت تتقاسمه قوة اقليمية و دولية جديدة.
 ترتيب البيت العربي يبدأ عبر صيغة تفاهمية جديدة تعيد صياغة شكل الدور المصري و السعودي في ادارة الملفات العربية.
 اعادة قراءة الماضي تشير الى ان الدول العربية يجب ان تدرك ان الاولولية اليوم هي لانهاء الازمات المشتعلة و التي ادت في النهاية الى خلق مسارح تنافسية افسحت المجال للقوى المختلفة بالظهور و تجذير نفوذها في المنطقة. فعلى سبيل المثال، منذ ازمة لبنان والعراق و سوريا و اليمن تحتج بعض الدول العربية على النفوذ الايراني الجديد لكنها تقدم عبر سياساتها الفرصة لايران لتجذير نفوذها و تغيير واقع المنطقة، لا بل ان بعض السياسات العربية قد ادت في النهاية الى الدفع باطراف كثيرة من مكونات المجتمعات العربية باتجاه البحث عن دعم و تأييد خارج الولاءات العربية سواء في ايران او تركيا.
الحقيقة انه لايمكن لهذه القمة ان تنجح دون ان تطال مسائل رئيسية، اهمها مسألة عودة سوريا الى الجامعة العربية و انهاء معضلة خروج سوريا من الحضن العربي، كذلك مسألة اليمن و حالة الاستنزاف التي باتت تشكلها المسألة اليمنية، و لايمكن كذلك الا القمة مع مسألة السلام بجدية خصوصاً بعد التحول اللافت في طبيعة تعاطي الادارة الامريكية مع الملف و التفرد الكامل لنتينياهو في صياغة المشهد السياسي مدعوماً وفقاً لحديث نيتنياهو برغبته بانجاز سلام اقليمي مع دول عربية الامر الذي يجعل من ملف السلام مع الفلسطينيين ملفاً هامشياً. بالاضافة الى مسألة المباركة الامريكية او في احسن الاحوال عدم الاكتراث الامريكي لسقوط خيار حل الدولتين، لهذا من الطبيعي ان يسأل الجميع عن كيف شكل حل الدولة الواحدة و حدودها الجغرافية خصوصاً ان  تعزيز فكرة حل الدولة الواحدة يتزامن مع الاعتراف باسرائيل كدولة يهودية مما يعني ان اسرائيل بعيدة كل البعد عن حل الدولة الواحدة.
التحديات الكبيرة اليوم تحتم على الجميع التعامل مع ملفات المنطقة بمسؤولية كبيرة و الادارك ان ضياع هذه الفرصة قد يكون العامل المؤسس لاتساع رقعة الازمات و دخول دول جديدة الى نادي الاضطرابات.
د.عامر السبايلة